‪HRW trip to Pa to see Hydrofracking – entire interview 7 18 11‬‏ – YouTube

‪HRW trip to Pa to see Hydrofracking – entire interview 7 18 11‬‏ – YouTube.  Hydro Relief Web

On July 16th 2011, a group of people from Oneida County, New York drove to Bradford County, Pennsylvania to see the process of Hydrofracking for themselves. The trip was organized by Hydro Relief Web
Three of the people who attended (Toshia Hance Bonnie Jones Reynolds and Carleton Corey) were later interviewed by Reporter/Anchor Gary Liberatore from WKTV news Channel 2. This video is the extended form of that interview.

Reporting that Tonawanda resident that the local newspaper has told her not to write anymore letters to the editor about hydrofracking because the paper will not print them.

Shale Force–Syracuse New Times July 20, 2011

Shale Force.

Shale Force

By Ed Griffin-Nolan  

Bill Fischer moved to Central New York last year to get away from the noise and the risks of hydrofracking near his home in Pennsylvania. He has a simple message for people in Central New York about natural gas drilling in the Marcellus Shale: “It’s coming, whether you like it or not, so you better be ready.


Relocated here from northern Pennsylvania, Bill Fischer considers himself a fugitive from hydrofrackingBy Ed Griffin-Nolan

Bill Fischer moved to Central New York last year to get away from the noise and the risks of hydrofracking near his home in Pennsylvania. He has a simple message for people in Central New York about natural gas drilling in the Marcellus Shale: “It’s coming, whether you like it or not, so you better be ready.”

In the basement of the house in DeWitt that Fischer and his wife, Debbie, just bought hangs a framed picture of the home they left behind in rural northeast Pennsylvania. Seen in the aerial photograph the house sits on the edge of a lake that measures 92 acres surrounded by lush forest. Silver Lake, near Brackney, Pa., 14 miles of back roads south of Binghamton, was home to the Fischers for 13 years, until the advent of hydrofracking convinced them it was time to leave.

Fischer is a 64-year-old former New York state trooper who has the mind of a detective and speaks with the authority of a judge.

Since 1980, when a tangle with a suspect led to his early retirement with a disability, he has run his own private investigative firm, William Fischer Forensic Consulting, specializing in the reconstruction of crime scenes. He enlisted in the Marines during Vietnam, serving his time mostly in the Mediterranean.

Sitting on the three-season porch of his new home on a cul de sac just a few blocks from the spot where East Genesee Street crosses under Interstate 481, his aging golden retriever Nellie at his feet, Fischer describes the idyllic scene he left behind just south of the New York-Pennsylvania line. At regular intervals he interrupts himself to talk of his recent passion: long, early summer bike rides through southern Onondaga County. Recounting mornings spent cycling through the hills of Jamesville and Pompey and past the dairy farms of Fabius, Fischer sounds like a man who has discovered a new love late in life. But when he talks about the place he left behind, a wistful sadness emerges in his voice.

“We lived on State Route 167, 100 feet from the road, and 500 feet from the lake,” he says. “It was a quiet country road. I could sit on my porch and watch five eagles fishing the lake.”

Last November, all that changed as Williams Oil Company set up shop to drill for natural gas. Like much of New York’s Southern Tier and a large swath of Pennsylvania, Silver Lake sits atop a rock formation so packed with fossilized vaporized energy that it is frequently referred to as the Saudi Arabia of natural gas. The race to get the gas out of the ground and into a pipeline changed Bill Fischer’s life forever.

“Sixty trucks an hour came by the house, 10 hours a day, for three weeks. Every time they came to the top of the hill they downshifted, sending up a puff of diesel that cooled and then settled back down right in my front yard. That was just to put in the pad. The pad was a mile and a half from the house, directly across from Salt Springs State Park. They planned to place 10 wells on the pad.”

That subterranean rock formation—the Marcellus Shale—is what we share with the people of Susquehanna County, Pa., the place Fischer left behind. The shale is either a blessing or a curse, depending on who you speak with. For Fischer, it depends on how we handle it and, he reminds us, it’s not going away any time soon.

The gas entombed by the Marcellus Shale sits thousands of feet below the earth and the only technology yet discovered that can exhume it—high volume hydraulic fracturing (fracking for short)—brings with it heavy baggage. Fracking involves shooting millions of gallons of pressurized water and sand, laced with chemicals, into the formation. While fracking breaks up the shale and forces the gas up, questions of where all the water will come from, how it will be altered by its use in the process, and what will be done with it afterward remain unanswered. And that’s just for starters.

The Marcellus Shale has the potential to power the Northeast for a generation or more, and to turn the area’s last unspoiled landscapes into industrial wasteland. Royalties from gas drilling can fund our schools and social services and erase our crushing deficits, while creating water and air pollution from which we might never recover. It can divide neighbor from neighbor, upstate from downstate, while bringing an upstate revival that will allow aging families to remain in their homes and even bring young people back to the region. You pick.

At the Crossroads

These and many other concerns are addressed in a massive document that you can read online at http://www.dec.ny.gov/energy/75370. html (Please don’t print it out unless you really hate trees). It’s the New York state Department of Environmental Conservation’s answer to the Tolkien trilogy, entitled the Preliminary Revised Draft of the Supplemental Generic Environmental Impact Statement (GEIS).

The report suggests how New York state proposes to govern fracking in the Marcellus Shale, and it tweaks the earlier draft GEIS first released in 2009, responding to the more than 13,000 comments made on that tome. The new report is open for public comment from now through September.

Pressure from legislators has led to a moratorium on fracking that is set to expire this month, and politicians in both Central New York and New York City have persuaded the DEC to declare both the Skaneateles and the Catskill watersheds, which feed water to the Salt City and the Big Apple, respectively, offlimits. The federal Environmental Protection Agency is also conducting a review of the impact of fracking nationwide, and there is pressure in Albany to extend the moratorium until the EPA releases its findings, probably not for at least another year.

Public sentiment runs high against the procedure, even as local landowners continue to sign leases giving companies the right to drill on their land.

Bill Fischer, the bike-riding former cop, comes to us with his simple, fatalistic message. “They’re not gonna stop this industry,” he concedes. “In our area the grass-roots was building up, but the industry was rolling over everybody. There’s just too much money in it.”

In his case the gas company was allowed to drill in spite of his exhaustive organizing efforts. Fischer had banded together with neighbors to form a Silver Lake Watershed Legal Defense Fund. They petitioned the Pennsylvania Department of Environmental Protection (DEP) to declare their watershed “exceptional” and entitled to special protection.

“They designated 52 acres along the Silver Creek as ‘exceptional quality,’ which means no surface water contamination would be allowed,” says Fischer. “We thought that ruled out hydrofracking because of the possibility of leaks contaminating the surface water—but there’s no enforcement.” They went to the Public Utility Commission and won a ruling denying Laser Marcellus Gathering Company, a gas company, the use of eminent domain to take control of land to build a pipeline, only to see the commission reverse the recommendation.

“We saw the handwriting on the wall,” he continues. “It was a risk to stay. Long before this my wife and I understood, based on policies coming out of Harrisburg, that industrial development was going to be allowed, and this {their home in Silver Lake} would no longer be the place we thought it would be. We put the house up for sale and found a buyer in three days.

“Anyone who says, ‘no way, no how, not here’ is not being realistic. It’s not about stopping it; it’s about guiding it in a responsible way. This will necessarily go through in both northern Pennsylvania and southern New York state. The difference will be the amount of profit that will go from the public to foreign corporations.

“Do we develop this for the benefit of the public or for a few people? This is a public resource: The public is entitled to the profits. Here’s a state that’s going bankrupt, and you’ve got a huge amount of wealth that’s being taken to Texas {where many of the drilling companies are located} for the asking. Rather than close schools and programs,” he offers, “use the tax revenue from this industry to revive the state.”

In His Opinion

So how do you make it work for the people? Fischer rattles off policy options covering everything from the macroeconomic level down to engineering basics.

• “Every time they put a hole in the ground in the Marcellus Shale they’re making money,” he says, referring to the oil companies. “There’s so much gas that there’s almost no risk, and the certainty of gas sucks capital out of the market for all renewable energy sources.”

• “Why risk your capital investing in solar or wind when there’s so much money to be made drilling for gas in the Marcellus Shale? The only thing that can change that is government policy.”

• “There are things that New York state can do. The gas industry uses public air, water and roads. You can say, ‘This is a public resource and it is to be used for public wealth, to be shared.’ Like they do in Saudi Arabia, like they did in Alaska. This is seen by some as too socialistic. So if you don’t like that, change the permitting process.”

• “Instead of setting a permit price by the depth of the well, put those permits up for auction. Let the market determine the value. And only issue the number of permits that you can supervise. How many wells can you supervise for three shifts a day, seven days a week? Gas companies drill 24/7; we can’t have inspectors who go home at 5 p.m.”

In addition, Fischer suggests that a meter be placed on every well to measure the amount of flowback fluid coming back up from the shale. Right now he worries that the lack of measurement of returning fluid gives unscrupulous companies an incentive to dump their toxic wastewater. If it were metered, the company would have to account for the disposal of each and every gallon. In addition, he suggests, add a chemical tag to each well so that any wastewater found dumped illegally could be traced back to the well operator. Better yet, he says, have the state take charge of all wastewater and process it—for a hefty fee.

While Fischer came here to get away from the hydrofracking controversy and to be closer to family—three of his four children live locally, as do two grandchildren—the struggle for the heart of gasland seems determined to follow him. At a community forum in Fabius in May he was introduced as a “refugee from hydrofracking”; more recently he was part of a delegation visiting state Sen. David Valesky (D-Oneida) to talk on the issue.

“The decision to sell our house wasn’t to come up here. Once we decided to move, this was the logical place to come. There were a lot of tears shed over this, and a lot of secondguessing. I will be second-guessing myself until I die.”

As for Central New York, he says that they are here for good. “We love it here. We’re staying.”

Gas companies, beware. There’s a cop on your tail.

         

Marcellus Shale Adviory Committee_Final_Report.pdf (application/pdf Object)

MSAC_Final_Report.pdf (application/pdf Object).

Governor’s Marcellus Shale Advisory Commission Report

7/22/2011

Edwin Austin

Drillers sue to operate in Allegheny National Forest

Drillers sue to operate in Allegheny National Forest.

Pennsylvania Energy Impacts Assessment Report 1: Marcellus Shale Natural Gas and Wind

tnc_energy_analysis.pdf (application/pdf Object).

Drilling Deeper into Job Claims: The Actual Contribution of Marcellus Shale to Pennsylvania Job Growth | The Keystone Research Center

Drilling Deeper into Job Claims: The Actual Contribution of Marcellus Shale to Pennsylvania Job Growth | The Keystone Research Center.

Tioga County family struggles with methane in its well water – SunGazette.com | News, Sports, Jobs, Community Information – Williamsport-Sun Gazette

Tioga County family struggles with methane in its well water – SunGazette.com | News, Sports, Jobs, Community Information – Williamsport-Sun Gazette.

Hiking the Marcellus trail – Philly.com

Hiking the Marcellus trail – Philly.com.

Natural gas industry spent $3.5M on lobbying in 2010

News – The Times-Tribune.

Natural gas industry spent $3.5M on lobbying in 2010

By Robert Swift (Harrisburg Bureau Chief)
Published: July 3, 2011

HARRISBURG – The natural gas industry spent more than $3.5 million last year to lobby lawmakers and state officials on a range of issues concerning Marcellus Shale gas extraction.

The Marcellus Shale Coalition, a broad-based industry trade association; the Pennsylvania Independent Oil and Gas Association, and 22 companies report this combined spending in quarterly reports filed with the Department of State.

The lobbying disclosure reports document the industry’s growing presence at the statehouse and reflect the ways that public debate over development of the deep pockets of natural gas in the Marcellus Shale formation – its economic potential, environmental protection risks and impact on local governments – casts a wide net over state public policymaking.

Industry lobbyists were active during a high-stakes year when both the House and Senate officially declared their intent to pass a state severance tax on natural gas production with former Gov. Ed Rendell’s backing, but nothing happened.

The Department of Environmental Protection implemented new regulations last year to limit pollutants in drilling wastewater, strengthen well construction standards and require more disclosure of chemicals used in the fracking process.

The Senate convened closed-door working groups, which included industry representatives, last year to shape plans for a local impact fee to offset the costs of drilling as an alternative to a severance tax. Senate President Pro Tempore Joseph Scarnati, R-25, Jefferson County, introduced an impact fee bill, and other impact fee bills have surfaced in the House. But House and Senate Republican leaders have now put off action until the fall.

While the Marcellus drilling boom led to a slew of bills dealing with matters ranging from greater protection for water supplies, a moratorium on natural gas drilling in state forests and state safety inspections of gas pipelines, only two became law in 2010. These are narrowly drawn measures to provide more public access to well production data and make landowners who lease land for natural gas drilling subject to roll-back taxes only for the well site under the state Clean and Green program.

The gas industry hasn’t been monolithic in its approach to the issues facing it. For example, some large Marcellus drillers were more quietly accepting of a modest severance tax last fall while the PIOGA – representing many traditional shallow well drillers – was outspoken in criticism of it.

The industry itself is diverse, ranging from continental drillers, diversifying oil giants such as Exxon Mobil, gas distribution utilities like National Fuel Gas and pipeline companies such as Columbia Gas Transmission all hiring lobbyists in Harrisburg.

The gas industry’s lobbying activities during 2010 bear comparison with that of another nascent Pennsylvania industry also under heavy state regulation: the slots casinos.

Eleven casinos spent more than $1 million on lobbying in 2009, a crucial year leading up to passage of a law giving them more business by legalizing table games such as blackjack and poker. A proposal to bring on potential competition to casinos by legalizing video lottery machines in taverns and social clubs was blocked in the Legislature the same year.

Tallying gas industry spending, the Marcellus Shale Coalition founded in 2008 led the pack in 2010 spending at $1.1 million.

The other top five spenders are Range Resources-Appalachia, $392,000; Chesapeake Energy, $382,000; PIOGA, $247,000; East Resources Management, $225,000; and Chief Oil and Gas, $186,000.

The total spent on lobbying by all interests in Harrisburg last year was $92 million.

The gas lobbying continues this year in a Republican-controlled statehouse. MSC spent $407,000 from January through March, according to Department of State reports. Range Resources spent $136,000 and PIOGA $14,000 in the same period.

That the MSC is the top spender is not surprising.

The coalition has about 200 full and associate members and is continually adding more, said Mark Holman, a partner with Ridge Policy Group, the coalition’s lobbyist. The membership includes a diverse list of companies specializing in gas exploration and production, engineering, construction, pipelines, water treatment and hydraulic fracturing.

A number of MSC members like Range Resources and Chesapeake Energy also run their own lobbying operations.

“Our industry is fully committed to transparency not only in our operational activities, but across the board, including our government advocacy, engagement and outreach efforts,” said MSC Vice President David Callahan in a statement. “The legislative and regulatory issues facing our industry are countless. And while Marcellus development is still in its relative infancy, we recognize that common-sense policies – at all levels of government – are imperative.”

And the gas industry’s lobbying ranks are multiplying.

Shell Oil Co. registered to lobby on Jan. 3 and reported spending $92,000 on lobbying from January through March.

Lobbying spending by the natural gas industry has ramped up quickly in just a few years, said Alex Kaplan of Pennsylvania Common Cause, who has done reports on lobbying spending and campaign contributions by the natural gas industry. The companies have been most active in the quarters when a severance tax has been considered as part of the state budget debate, he added.

“I expect to see more and more companies registering as lobbyists,” said Mr. Kaplan.

The flip side of the lobbying effort is campaign contributions to statewide and legislative candidates.

The natural gas industry contributed more than $7 million to these candidates from 2000 through 2010, according to an analysis by Common Cause PA and the Conservation Voters of Pennsylvania.

The natural gas industry has decided it’s better to spend money on lobbying and campaign contributions than to pay a severance tax, said Rep. Greg Vitali, R-166, Havertown, sponsor of a severance tax bill.

“That $3.5 million figure is staggering,” he added. “It isn’t the type of spending you would find from fledgling companies.”

The 2006 state lobby disclosure law requires corporations and trade associations that spent more than $2,500 in any quarter to register, broadly categorize how the money is spent including for office expanses and salaries and identify general issues they lobby on.

One category covers spending on gifts, lodging, transportation and hospitality. Yet a firm only has to identify individuals who received gifts worth $250 or more in one year and provide individual names when payments or reimbursements for lodging, transportation and hospitality for state officials, state employees and their families exceed $650 in one year. Many firms that lobby stay under these thresholds.

In 2010, Consol Gas Co. reported a $1,000 donation to the legal defense fund for Rep. William DeWeese, D-50, Waynesburg, facing criminal charges relating to the state attorney general’s Bonusgate investigation.

Alpha Natural Resources reported reimbursement to Reps. Jim Christiana, R-15, Monaca; Brian Ellis, R-11, Lyndora; Carl Metzgar, R-69, Somerset ; Mike Vereb, R-150, Collegeville and Paul Costa, D-34, Turtle Creek; and to Dave Thomas, an aide to House Speaker Sam Smith, R-66, Punxsutawney, according to reports.

Columbia Gas Transmission reported donations to senior citizen fairs held by Sen. Tim Solobay, D-46, Canonsburg, during his tenure as a House member; and Reps. Jesse White, D-46, Cecil, and Will Tallman, R-193, Hanover.

Contact the writer: rswift@timesshamrock.com2010 natural gas lobbying expenses

- Marcellus Shale Coalition: $1.1 million

- Range Resources Appalachia: $392,000

- Chesapeake Energy: $382,000

- Pennsylvania Independent Oil and Gas Association: $247,000

- East Resources Management: $225,000

- Chief Oil and Gas: $186,000

- Alpha Natural Resources: $160,000

- Dominion Transmission: $146,000

- Exco Resources: $130,000

- BG North America: $124,000

- EQT Corp.: $105,000

- Talisman Energy: $85,000

- Equitable Gas Co.: $78,000

- Columbia Gas of Pennsylvania: $75,000

- Consol Energy: $75,000

- CNX Gas Corp.: $59,000

- Exxon Mobil: $55,000

- Cabot Oil and Gas: $50,000

- Pennsylvania General Energy: $48,000

- XTO Energy: $41,000

- National Fuel Gas: $36,000

- NiSource: $36,000

- Anadarko Petroleum: $21,000

Cornell Expert Says Hydrofacking Already Affecting New York State

(((THIS INFORMATION DISTRIBUTED ON BEHALF OF THE TOMPKINS COUNTY COUNCIL OF GOVERNMENTS)))
(Released June 23, 2011 at 8:03 PM)
 

Cornell Expert Says Hydrofacking Already Affecting New York State

 
Reflecting on lessons learned and questions yet to be answered about the hydrofracking and the economy, a Cornell expert today told members of the Tompkins County Council of Governments (TCCOG) that New York State is already being affected by such shale gas drilling, even though wells are not yet permitted here.
 
Economic Geographer Susan Christopherson, of Cornell’s Department of City and Regional Planning, has been studying the economic effects of hydrofracking, looking at the experience in nearby Pennsylvania and effects in New York.  Since there is “no border fence between New York and Pennsylvania,” she said, drilling produces a regional industrial effect, and cautioned there will be “important impacts to Tompkins County”—from such aspects as heavy truck traffic, water resources, and waste disposal— even if a single well is not drilled here.  She maintained State officials are showing “willful ignorance and disinterest” in failing to  address those issues and, because of that, the state is unprepared.
 
Based on her own research and review of other studies, Christopherson reported findings including the following:
  • The Elmira area is already feeling pressure on its housing stock and is experiencing some increase in sales tax revenue.
  • In Pennsylvania, jobs are being created, but impact is inflated since measures are based on new hires, not permanent jobs, with only 70% going to in-state residents.  She predicted employment growth here would be “modest,” with several hundred of the best jobs created for functions such as well monitoring when drilling is in process, but a significant decline once it’s completed.
  • Other industries will be affected, with tourism and the dairy industry most affected in PA.
Among questions that remain to be answered, according to Christopherson:
  • How long the drilling phase will last.  Where, when, and how many wells are drilled, she said, will be affected by natural gas prices, currently too low to make much drilling economically viable—the more wells that are drilled, and the faster they’re drilled, the greater the impact.
  • How the federal government’s recent approval of export of natural gas will affect gas prices.
  • Information on who owns land currently in PA and where proceeds from royalty payments are spent.
Christopherson said a New York State severance tax could help support costs related to shale gas drilling, and that such taxes exist in most states where such extraction takes place.  She said the level of such taxes varies widely state-to-state, as does the extent to which that tax is distributed to municipalities.  She assessed the 3% severance tax being proposed by some in New York State, however, as inadequate to meet the need.
 
Media contact:  TCCOG Co-Chair:  Ithaca Town Supervisor Herb Engman, 607-273-1721.
 
 
——
Marcia E. Lynch
Public Information Officer
Tompkins County
125 E. Court Street
Ithaca, NY  14850